Jorge verstrynge le pen

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Like Sabina’s ‘Pirata cojo’, Jorge Verstrynge wants to be fascist with Le Pen, conservative with Fraga, socialist with Felipe, communist with Frutos, Bolivarian with Chaves, sovereignist with Mas, alternative with Monedero, divine with Iglesias and mediatic in La Sexta. Among all the lives, which one does this man choose?
It was there, in Alianza Popular, the party of the red-and-white flag even on the suspenders, enemy of the disintegrating autonomies and friend of order in the streets, the party that made dangerous fuss with every ETA attack and that was wary of the pro-government legislation of the UCD (divorce, abortion, tax reform) where the young Verstrynge, a project of a political animal, found the road to stardom.
He was already the damned official when we entered the 21st century. So, from lost to the river, he becomes an advisor to Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and an activist of 15-M and all that surrounds that movement. Not in vain Verstrynge had been a teacher of some of those who would later become leaders of Podemos, among them, Pablo Iglesias and Juan Carlos Monedero.

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This Sunday France put a stop to the advance of the extreme right by electing Emmanuel Macron as president with 65% against 35% harvested by Marine Le Pen, of the National Front. All eyes were on the second round of the French presidential elections since it could mean a turning point in the configuration of the European Union as we know it. In this sense, La Sexta dedicated a special program to follow the elections. During Ana Pastor’s El Objetivo, Antonio Ferreras, acting as special envoy, interviewed Jorge Vestrynge, one of Podemos’ leading academics, who left some headlines about the FN that were, to say the least, striking.
The Podemos member continued with his analysis assuring that “the anti-system has won” and that “the right-left axis has blown up and a class vote has appeared, which is very interesting and will have to be followed very closely”.

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Verstrynge: “le pen is not a fascist () she takes the workers’ vote”.

Once certified the defeat of Marine Le Pen and, with her, that of fascism in sheep’s clothing, the time has come to talk about Emmanuel Macron. And we will do so like any other democratically elected Head of State. This one, moreover, with a liberal ideology and a great banking past that, for this writer, are detrimental. Nor do I like political figures, like him, who have emerged from other parties with purely personalistic projects. From now on, we will see and write.
It is easy: you are antifascist or you are not. Jorge Verstrynge, who had the nerve to say on LaSexta from the headquarters of the National Front, where he followed the electoral night, is not antifascist: “If the National Front is fascist, I will know it, I have been one, and I tell you that it is not”. Neither is Enrique de Diego, “President of the Platform of the Middle Classes”, a regular of the outrages who did not hesitate to insult Macron as “sterile”. Nor Lagarder Danciu, who criticized in equal measure a fascist candidate and a non-fascist candidate.

The video that marine le pen doesn’t want you to see

Jorge Verstrynge defines himself as a “Nationalcommunist” and in his book ‘Populism: the veto of the peoples’, Pablo Iglesias says of him that he has made the opposite ideological path, that is to say, to go from the extreme right to the extreme left. A faithful admirer of the French Revolution, almost his main homeland, he analyzes the current political situation from the prism of one who has seen political personalities of all ranks, religions and ideologies pass before his eyes.
That responds to an approach that all populist parties defend, which is: “my people first”. In the case of Podemos, which is also populist, it defends that “those at the bottom” come first, regardless of their skin color.
Here the PSOE does not say it, but it does. The open border is the death of democracy. A border is what allows us to decide our destiny. If there is no border, our destiny can be decided by anyone.
Does that mean that some countries took in refugees with the idea of provoking a wage “dumping” among workers, that is, that refugees charge less for the same work and thus lower the working conditions of all, due to this pressure of “competitiveness”?

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